Splicetoday

Politics & Media
Oct 30, 2025, 06:30AM

A War That Could Destroy America

The Pentagon’s making preparations.

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Palmer Luckey is the future’s favorite Frankenstein. Part wunderkind, part war profiteer, he made his name selling the dream of immersion—a VR headset that promised a new world—and then sold that dream to the biggest platform. He left Silicon Valley with pockets full of cash and a taste for controversy, and came back to the Pentagon with plenty of hardware. He’s tech bro and hawk, cheerleader and cheerfully lethal salesman. Now, working hand in hand with America’s generals, he and his machines are being positioned for what could be the defining conflict of the century. His company’s strategy—“China 27”—is built on the assumption that within the next two years, Beijing will move to recapture Taiwan. Every contract, every prototype, every autonomous system in Anduril’s arsenal feeds that ticking clock.

The U.S. military is quietly preparing for the same brutal deadline. Billions are being funneled into drone fleets, AI surveillance, and unmanned submarines—technologies meant to wage a war that no one wants but everyone expects. To Washington, 2027 is a horizon. A point at which deterrence ends and confrontation begins.

Luckey speaks about war the way men discuss market shares. The cadence is casual, the confidence absolute. He talks of China’s growing power as if it were a quarterly forecast, something to be analyzed, anticipated, and monetized. To him, war is a logistics challenge, not a moral one. But war, as history keeps reminding us, is moral and unmistakably mortal.

Taiwan’s not accidental geography but the gateway to goods: chips, commerce, and command of the sea. For China, taking Taiwan would be a triumphant stroke that rewrites a century of humiliation into a narrative of restored pride. For the United States, failing to stop that stroke would be a very public, reputation-shredding catastrophe. The math here is boring: rising power wants more power; established power wants to preserve what it has. When one side senses the other’s weakness, miscalculation becomes likely, and patience runs thin.

If the two superpowers clash, one will likely be annihilated, and it won’t be China. The annihilation I mean isn’t the kind Hollywood likes to choreograph. It won’t come with a single flash or a grand finale. It will arrive slowly, then all at once. Imagine communications severed not by a single bomb but by a thousand tiny cuts. Satellites jammed or hacked, undersea cables tapped, logistics chains snapped. Planes that rely on networks go blind. Carriers that once ruled oceans become hulking targets with no accurate picture of where the threats sit. Bases like Guam or Okinawa, the anchors of American presence, are suddenly within range of a missile that changes how you plan coffee breaks.

China doesn’t need to land a million soldiers on a foreign shore to win. It can blockade, coerce, and corrode. A tight blockade chokes trade, starves chips, and turns microchips into weapons of scarcity. Taiwan’s factories build the circuitry of modern life. Cut off those factories, and the world’s supply chains hiccup, then stagger. American industry, dependent on those chips, slows. Your car sits in a lot because one tiny silicon wafer is missing. Your phone company delays the next model because someone else controls the assembly line. The economy shakes. Confidence collapses. That’s a slow, bureaucratic annihilation with very public victims: your job, your pension, your child’s tuition.

This fight won’t be confined to a stretch of water 6000 miles away. Missile salvos, cyber raids, economic coercion, and proxy skirmishes will ripple across the South China Sea, through the Philippine archipelago, toward the Indian Ocean, and into choke points that matter to Europe. Trade routes reroute, insurance costs spike, shipments take detours that make everything dearer. War becomes weather: it changes the climate of commerce, diplomacy, and daily life. The American way of moving men and materiel across oceans—what made projection possible—depends on open sea lanes and reliable partners. If those lanes clog or partners waver, America’s grasp weakens.

Why should you care if you live in Cedar Rapids, Cleveland, or Cincinnati? Because power isn’t an abstract scoreboard. It’s the reason your phone rings, your car starts, and your grocery bill stays tolerable. It’s the reason an ally calls when trouble brews and not when it’s too late. It is the reason adversaries think twice before testing you. A diminished America is a receding umbrella—less shelter abroad, less safety at home, and a rising storm on every horizon. The cost won’t just be counted in lost influence or shrinking markets, but in lives—sailors swallowed by the sea, soldiers burnt into ash, families waiting for voices that never call back. The chaos will drift inland, into living rooms and factory floors, into empty pharmacies and darkened hospitals. And behind every blackout and empty shelf lies the same quiet truth—a nation that once built the world’s future now struggles to keep its own lights on.

Luckey’s vision is a mirror held up to that future: sexy tech, clean interfaces, lethal outputs. He wants to sell a new kind of defense that’s nimble, networked, and native to an era of silicon and software. The danger is that treating war like a platform invites the same tech rushes and shortcuts that have decimated other institutions. Optimization becomes an excuse for shortcutting caution. Automation becomes a way to outsource moral choices. And when statecraft is practiced like a startup pivot, the casualties aren’t just tactical but tectonic—the very ground of a nation giving way.

Discussion
  • Palmer Luckey is a technological innovator and developer of cutting edge state of the art military weaponry and defense systems not a geopolitical strategist. He should leave foreign policy to wiser people and focus on developing defense and weapons systems. Making the U.S more prepared militarily acts as a deterrence to hostile actors such as China. One of the keys moving forward is to ramp up the mining operations of rare earth minerals within the U.S and to onshore the production of vital tech components like microchips. The heavy reliance on Taiwan for computer chips and China for rare earth minerals leaves the national security of the U.S vulnerable. The U.S has a huge supply of rare earth minerals within its borders and the technological expertise and production capacity to manufacture computer chips and develop more sophisticated AI capabilities. What the U.S needs to do with urgency is to prioritize the implementation of a Manhattan Project style program and make this happen. Brilliant innovators like Palmer Luckey, Elon Musk and others are indispensable to U.S National Security. By having a technologically advanced miliary the U.S can make the consequences of going to war so great that countries like China will decide that the costs of going to war will exceed the benefits. This should be the foreign policy objective of the U.S because a war with China would be a disaster for both the U.S and China and for the rest of the globe.

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